There is a long accepted proposition in political science, that whereas a dictatorship can coexist with markets, for democracy a market is a necessary condition. What this proposition does not analyse, though, is the nature and quality of these phenomena -- what we mean by authoritarianism and how our social and political life should be determined by market actors.
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The new Reform Treaty will help the European integration process, but from a civil society point of view the way in which it was conducted was disastrous.
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This paper looks at the impact the enlargement of the European Union to 25 Member States (and more recently to 27) is having on the working of the Council of Ministers – including the current system of Presidencies and on the European Council. It then also assesses the possible impact on the institutions – including the Team Presidencies – of the reforms now under discussion following the protracted stalemate created by the French and Dutch refusal to ratify the Constitutional Treaty.
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Turkey’s membership in a decade or so will arguably depend on two conditions: political will and engagement in Turkey to pursue European criteria and practice in political, economic, and civic life on the one hand, and, on the other, political will and a sense of purpose among EU leadership to communicate effectively to the public the contribution Turkey stands to make to the EU as member.
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How has the rise in the number of members from 15 to 25 changed the dynamics of decision-making in the EU and the role of the EU in the world? Has the EU’s commitment to the values of democracy, the rule of law and human rights changed? Is future enlargement possible in the face of public concerns?
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Social Europe has been the subject of European debate for some years now, but it has acquired another dimension within the context of the institutional reform, the accession of ten new members and the increasing pressure of globalisation.
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An immense democratic/political "depression" is in the midst of being created in the very heart of European continental politics. The 200 million voters that chose not to participate in June 2004 are the proof.
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Even if Europe focused thoroughly and honestly on the promotion of human security goals, it would be mission impossible as long as Mars – the USA – created military chaos and Venus – the EU – was expected to do the dishes and clean the mess behind him (just remember Kosovo or Iraq).
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“After man became conscious of his mortal, endangered, and fear-ridden nature, he soon reached the point where the major causes for his fears were not the external forces threatening him with death, but – due to the sense of fear instilled in his spirit – other men, the human world around him.” (István Bibó)
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How can the European Union promote democracy in post-communist states? - was the topic of a recent conference in Vienna, with a focus on the countries of the former Soviet Union. However, the more conceptual issue - where are the borders of Europe? - was not raised.
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A new spectre is haunting Europe - the spectre of post-liberal democracy. Now that the liberal version has managed to sweep virtually all of its "autocratic and systemic" opponents from the field of political regimes, the proponents of democracy are free to squabble among themselves over its meaning and application.
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Multi-lingualism (ML) is one of the basic cultural features of Europe - although hardly exclusive to it. And it is not going to disappear in the near future under the impact of European economic integration and the formation of a Euro-polity.
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Democracy has become one of those English words - along with computer and OK - familiar to many millions of people around the world. Some observers speak of a global victory for democracy or claim that democracy is now a universal good. Yet what the word means and whether and why democracy is to be preferred over its rivals continues to be disputed.
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The territory of the former Yugoslavia became an attractive destination for many participants in 'conflict tourism' and the 'peace business'. Many books, Ph.D. theses and analyses were inspired out of the collective misery and suffering of people on the very soil of Europe.
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Direct democracy is increasingly used in European countries and across the world. I offer some evidence for this: the example of cities and regions that have begun to weave the tapestry of a promisingly evolving culture of democracy.
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Liberal political democracy, as presently practiced in Europe, is not "the end of history". Not only can it be improved, it must be - if it is to retain the legitimate respect of its citizens. It has done this several times in the past in response to emerging challenges and opportunities, and there is no reason to believe that it cannot do so in the present.
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Till now the process of unification has brought about a lot of progress in economy and partly in politics, but it has neglected the cultural dimension of the lives of the European peoples. If they had felt more European, they would not have rejected the idea of a common constitution.
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"I think the greatest mistake was to make the Constitution unreadable. I bet there's no more than a dozen people who have read every page of it and even those with a lot of suffering." - An interview with Federigo Argentieri, visiting professor from the John Cabot University in Rome, by Simon Parais.
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Too often, the EU sees consultation and transparency as obstacles to efficient decisionmaking. In fact, consultation can often improve the quality of legislation, while transparency increases legitimacy and is a weapon against irregularity and corruption.
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Mitja Zagar is visiting professor of social sciences from the University of Ljubjlana in Kőszeg, Hungary. He was interviewed by Simon Parais, a research assistant at the Institute for Social and European Studies (ISES).
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